Thứ Tư, 5 tháng 7, 2017

Youtube daily Jul 5 2017

The company, at a 167 years old, started in Bari Italy in 1850.

We like to say we do everything from the White House to the firehouse,

as far as the range of scale and size of our firework displays.

There are many precautions that we have to put in place

and write very meticulously as a procedure in handling

any type of pyrotechnic or explosive.

We have unfortunately had one pretty severe, catastrophic

explosion within our facilities back in 1983.

And unfortunately that incident took the life of my father and my cousin.

It's the inherent nature of this business that we're dealing with explosives,

we are dealing with a hazardous material.

We have great employees and we make people happy with what we do.

For more infomation >> Where It's Made: Fourth of July Fireworks | The Daily 360 | The New York Times - Duration: 1:28.

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52 Places To Go: Busan Fish Market | The Daily 360 | The New York Times - Duration: 2:12.

At 4 a.m., the first fishing boats have already begun to unload their

fresh catch on the docks of Busan's cooperative fish market,

ready to be auctioned and delivered to the fishing stalls

of the Jagalchi fish market on the edge of Nampo Port, Busan.

At 5 a.m., hundreds of fishermen and professional fish buyers line across the nearly

1.8 million square feet of the cooperative fish market auction,

one of the largest in South Korea and East Asia,

host to more than 30 percent of the country's fish production.

After the auction, the fish are loaded and delivered throughout the city and country.

As well as the nearby Jagalchi market, where they join the stalls and fish tanks

waiting to be chosen by eager seafood lovers.

For more infomation >> 52 Places To Go: Busan Fish Market | The Daily 360 | The New York Times - Duration: 2:12.

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Trump's EPA Met With Chemical Maker Before Approving Pesticide That Poisons Children - Duration: 3:59.

On March 9th of this year, Scott Pruitt, Donald Trump's pick to be the head of the EPA, who

is currently the head of the EPA, met with Andrew Liveris for about 30 minutes outside

of a meeting in the state of Texas.

Why is that important and who is Andrew Liveris?

He just happens to be the CEO of Dow Chemical.

About one month after that specific meeting, Scott Pruitt, head of the EPA, decided that

he was going to reverse the EPA's ban on a pesticide known as chlorpyrifos that happens

to be produced by Dow Chemical, so one month after spending 30 minutes alone with this

guy, he decides to undo a ban that's been in place for a few decades and the EPA is

telling us it had nothing to do with that meeting.

My question, Mr. Pruitt, is then what did you base your decision on if it wasn't based

on a private conversation you had with the CEO of the company who happens to produce

this chemical?

Was it based on the advice of doctors who tell us that this pesticide is perfectly safe?

I'm assuming not, because according to doctors, this pesticide is not safe in any dose for

human consumption, specifically women who are pregnant and infants.

See, here's what doctors tell us about chlorpyrifos, this chemical that Dow Chemical produces.

Even small trace amounts, when ingested by a fetus or an infant, can cause permanent

brain damage, small amounts, and they want to spray this pesticide all over our foods.

The EPA in the past, back when we had real leadership there by people who weren't industry

insiders who hated the environment, they said, "No.

You know what?

Really not worth it.

We don't want to poison all of the children in the United States just so you can turn

a profit."

But Scott Pruitt came along and he changed all that, and he changed all of that because

he had that meeting with the CEO of Dow Chemical.

Pediatricians across the country are now speaking out saying this is one of the worst decisions

that they have seen, because this will ruin the lives of American children, and if children

are exposed to this pesticide in large enough doses, it will kill them.

Not it might, it will kill them if the dosages are large enough or if the chemical builds

up in that child's body.

That's because obviously children's bodies are far more fragile than those of grown adults,

and that is why it affects them more.

The EPA today thinks that that's okay.

Scott Pruitt thinks that that's okay.

The Trump Administration thinks that that's okay.

So I ask you, anybody watching this who has children, or who knows children, or is aware

that children exist, do you think it's worth it?

Are the profits of Dow Chemical more important than any child's life in this country?

The answer is no, they're not.

I'll go ahead and take care of that for you, but for a party like the Republicans who claim

to care so much about fetuses, kind of makes you wonder why they would allow this pesticide

to go on the market when it could literally kill those people who they claim so much to

want to save.

For more infomation >> Trump's EPA Met With Chemical Maker Before Approving Pesticide That Poisons Children - Duration: 3:59.

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'Hamilton' Creator Lin-Manuel Miranda Takes His Broadway Hit To LA | TODAY - Duration: 4:05.

For more infomation >> 'Hamilton' Creator Lin-Manuel Miranda Takes His Broadway Hit To LA | TODAY - Duration: 4:05.

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Share Intro Style Proshow Producer - Free Download - Duration: 1:06.

The download link in the description

For more infomation >> Share Intro Style Proshow Producer - Free Download - Duration: 1:06.

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Amelia Earhart Mystery May Have New Clue In Never-Before-Seen Photo | TODAY - Duration: 6:40.

For more infomation >> Amelia Earhart Mystery May Have New Clue In Never-Before-Seen Photo | TODAY - Duration: 6:40.

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Learn Colors With Baby and Play Doh "Color Songs Collection" Kid Colors, Teach Colours, Baby Toddler - Duration: 2:07.

Learn colors for kids/ children/ toddlers.

Baby sing new finger family nursery rhymes popular kids songs watching this learning

video on youtube by toysreview kids learn 100k.

Kids paint hand with play doh body paint toys.

This is a popular kids compilation video on play doh learn colors for kids.

Kids can easily get busy (learn colors) , while having total fun by playing play doh ice cream

& new peppa pig toys.

For more infomation >> Learn Colors With Baby and Play Doh "Color Songs Collection" Kid Colors, Teach Colours, Baby Toddler - Duration: 2:07.

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Lady Gaga Defends Ed Sheeran From Online Bullying | TODAY - Duration: 1:03.

For more infomation >> Lady Gaga Defends Ed Sheeran From Online Bullying | TODAY - Duration: 1:03.

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Health Benefits And Uses Of Organic Flax Seeds || Must To Eat More Flaxseed - Duration: 5:01.

amazing benefits of flaxseed oil flaxseed improves digestion gives you

clear skin lowers cholesterol reduces sugar cravings balanced hormones fight

cancer and promote weight loss flaxseed benefits

high in fiber but low in carbs one of the most extraordinary benefits of flax

seeds is that they contain high levels of nickel age gum content mucilage is a

gel forming fiber that is water soluble and has incredible benefits on the

intestinal tract the Musil age can keep food in the stomach from emptying too

quickly into the small intestine which can increase nutrient absorption also

flax is extremely high in both soluble in insoluble fiber which can support

colon detoxification fat loss and reduce sugar cravings lower cholesterol the

soluble fiber content of flax seeds trap fat and cholesterol in the digestive

system soluble fiber also traps by which is

made from cholesterol in the gall bladder the bile is then excreted

through the digestive system and it lowers cholesterol flax seeds are high

in antioxidants fluxes are also packed with antioxidants lignans or unique

fiber related of polyphenols that provide us with antioxidant benefits for

anti-aging hormone balance and cellular health lignans are also known for their

antiviral and antibacterial properties therefore consuming flax regularly may

help reduce the number of severity of colds unplugs flax seeds or gluten-free

fluxes are anti-inflammatory so flax seed for great for those who have celiac

disease or have a gluten sensitivity they are a good alternative to omega-3

fats in fish for people with a seafood allergy that is to help Yale here in

flax can help protect the lining of the digestive tract it cures digestive

problems it reduces inflammation you can take one or three tablespoons of

flaxseed oil with eight ounce of just to help naturally relieve

constipation slugs is also very high in soluble and insoluble fiber which can

also improve digestive health and is one of the highest magnesium foods in the

world healthy skin and hale the ALU flats in flax seeds benefits the skin

and hate by providing essential fats as well as B vitamins which can help reduce

dryness and flakiness it can also improve symptoms of acne rosacea and

eczema this also applies to eye health as flax can reduce dry eye syndrome

flaxseed oil is another great option since it has an even higher

concentration of healthy fats you can take 1 to 2 tablespoons internally to

hydrate skin and head it can also be mixed with essential oils and used as a

natural skin moisturizer weight loss since flax is full of healthy fats and

fiber which will help you feel satisfied longer so you will eat fewer calories

overall which may lead to weight loss yay LG fans may also help reduce

inflammation add a couple of teaspoons of ground flaxseed to soups salads or

smoothies as part of your weight loss plan high in omega-3 fatty acids flax

seeds are rich in omega-3 fatty acids regardless of conversion ela is still

considered a healthy fat and should be included in a balanced diet menopausal

symptoms the lignans in the flags have been shown

to have benefits for menopausal women it can be used as an alternative to hormone

replacement therapy because lignans do have estrogen ik properties this

properties may also help reduce the risk of osteoporosis it can even help a

menstruating women by helping maintain cycle regularity flax seeds for cancer

flax seed benefits have been proven time and time again and even including

fighting breast prostate ovarian and colon cancer study discovered that

consuming flax seeds may decrease the risk of breast cancer the three lignans

found in flax seeds can be converted by intestinal bacteria into anti lactone

and which naturally balance hormones

flaxseeds reduce the risk of breast cancer these are all the benefits of

flax seeds so include flax seeds in your diet to get all the health benefits

thank you for watching this video like and subscribe for more videos

For more infomation >> Health Benefits And Uses Of Organic Flax Seeds || Must To Eat More Flaxseed - Duration: 5:01.

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Rossen Reports: How To Stay Safe When Enjoying Water Sports | TODAY - Duration: 3:35.

For more infomation >> Rossen Reports: How To Stay Safe When Enjoying Water Sports | TODAY - Duration: 3:35.

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DC Motor vs Universal Motor - Difference between DC Motor and Universal Motor - Duration: 2:50.

DC motor works only with DC supply whereas universal motor works with both AC and DC.

Universal Motor only for AC and DC both another, It is a commutated series-wound motor, where

the stator's field coils are connected in series with the rotor windings through a commutator.

It is often referred to as an AC series motor.

In this video we will go to learn difference between DC Motor and Universal Motor.

If you like this video, so please subscribe our channel and get notification press the

bell icon.

A DC motor is any of a class of rotary electrical machines that converts direct current electrical

energy into mechanical energy.

The most common types rely on the forces produced by magnetic fields.

Nearly all types of DC motors have some internal mechanism, either electromechanical or electronic,

to periodically change the direction of current flow in part of the motor.

DC motors were the first type widely used, since they could be powered from existing

direct-current lighting power distribution systems.

A DC motor's speed can be controlled over a wide range, using either a variable supply

voltage or by changing the strength of current in its field windings.

Small DC motors are used in tools, toys, and appliances.

More information about the DC motor, so visit us our web site www.learningengnr.com

The universal motor is so named because it is a type of electric motor that can operate

on AC or DC power.

It is a commutated series-wound motor where the stator's field coils are connected in

series with the rotor windings through a commutator.

It is often referred to as an AC series motor.

The universal motor is very similar to a DC series motor in construction, but is modified

slightly to allow the motor to operate properly on AC power.

This type of electric motor can operate well on AC because the current in both the field

coils and the armature (and the resultant magnetic fields) will alternate (reverse polarity)

synchronously with the supply.

Hence the resulting mechanical force will occur in a consistent direction of rotation,

independent of the direction of applied voltage, but determined by the commutator and polarity

of the field coils.

Universal motors have high starting torque, can run at high speed, and are lightweight

and compact.

They are commonly used in portable power tools and equipment, as well as many household appliances.

Thanks for watching this video.

Any questions write the comment box.

Don't forget like and share.

More update please subscribes our channel.

For more infomation >> DC Motor vs Universal Motor - Difference between DC Motor and Universal Motor - Duration: 2:50.

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Intro Style Proshow Producer - Intro Shoot The Gun - Free Download - Duration: 1:01.

The download link in the description

For more infomation >> Intro Style Proshow Producer - Intro Shoot The Gun - Free Download - Duration: 1:01.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.4.2 "Leaning In" with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 4:38.

- So one other question I wanted to ask was

about the phenomenon described as leaning in.

This is from the Sheryl Sandberg book,

and there seems to be an implication there, of course,

that if women can simply outcompete men

within the system in which they operate,

equality or parity will be achieved.

And of course, one way to critique that argument is

to say, well, in fact, perhaps the system itself

is what needs changing.

Rather than reinvesting oneself in the system,

we should work to rebuild it.

It seems that those kinds of tensions often play out, again,

differentially along lines of class and race,

and it raises questions as to what

kind of focus we might want from a woman leader,

a woman's movement.

- I completely agree with you that

the lean in strategy is,

it's, in my view, a very limited kind of strategy,

and it could and probably has already,

in some measure,

increasingly backfire against women.

And I say that because as I

see the proposals and I

watch them being exercised to some extent,

that is, that women should demand

a higher pay of their individual employers,

that they should put themselves forth

and make themselves visible for promotions and so on,

encourages exactly the kind of competitive

and aggressive behavior that may, in fact,

benefit the individual asking for those things,

but it actually disadvantages

all women in general

or most women

because we all know

that that competitive behavior has produced

the inequalities in capitalism that we see

all around us.

You know, we're now facing,

and Bernie Sanders, in the last presidential campaign,

illustrated this beautifully,

but we're now facing a problem

of such great inequality in this society

that the voices of those at the lower levels,

at the lower income levels,

have been tamped down.

We don't hear them anymore.

There are movements to exclude them even from voting

or from voting rights.

Well, I'm wandering here a little bit, but I do believe

that solving what is a general problem,

the general problem of inequality,

by individual methods

is a

no-win proposal.

And I'm reminded of how,

in the 1970s,

there was a rather effective wing of the women's movement

which made the argument

for the contrary, that is,

which argued for changing the system.

Now, people disagreed on what the system was.

Was it patriarchy that should be changed?

Was it capitalism that should be changed, and so on.

But the argument was

we rise and we fall together.

If we don't change

the patriarchal system,

women in general, black women, white women,

all kinds of women, immigrant women

will fall under the bus.

A few will rise to the top,

but the rest will be gone.

I think the lean-in strategy promotes the idea

and feeds into the idea that

an unequal system is really okay,

that

competing with each other,

with other women as well as with men,

will produce women leaders.

It may well, but it may well produce women leaders who,

like Margaret Thatcher, don't really have women's interests

in general in mind but have the interest

of a particular class in mind.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.4.2 "Leaning In" with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 4:38.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.2.3 Fragmentation with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 4:40.

- And this is something that brings us around to one of the

challenges, I think, for women's politics,

women's movements today,

which is the increasing fragmentation along the lines of

class, race, and citizenship status of working women

and of the opportunities for working women.

So, well perhaps we have seen some advances

among professional women,

some gains among single professional women in particular,

mothers across the board still face challenges,

but increasingly we see women of color,

we see immigrant women trapped into low wage,

unstable, precarious work,

often doing the work of caring for children who cannot

be cared for by say professional women.

What does a women's movement do in this moment faced

with that kind of diversity of experience in the workplace?

- It's a good question and I wish I had an answer to it.

I mean, I can say that the consciousness among sort of

middling sorts of women who hire people to take care of

their children has changed dramatically.

So, in places like Norway and Sweden for example,

there is very little private childcare in the home,

most children are sent out to public,

often community run and heavily subsidized childcare centers

and so within the home there is no distinction

and the children sent out are of various classes,

races, and so on.

In the United States, where subsidized childcare is

available only to the very poor and the middling sort

and above keep their infants at home with paid childcare

there are sharp class divisions

and racial divisions that emerge right away.

Well, how does a women's movement handle this?

We used to say, universal childcare.

I mean the way to handle it is the way the Scandinavian's

handle it, everybody gets access to childcare, a place.

The French do the same thing.

Places guaranteed to an infant of a certain age,

no matter what their income or the background.

And what that means is that you can both feel good

as a woman about investing more money in these places,

demanding the tax money be spent on them,

and you can do that without class or race distinctions.

And it also means that children grow up in a way that

enables them immediately to sort of feel good about

being together with varieties of kids who are not

like them and don't have the benefits that they have.

I think that's one of the answers

and I think that answer that universalizing care of

all kinds, universalizing healthcare so that the poor

have access to all kinds of whatever it is,

technologies and so on that are restricted or means tested.

Universalizing the benefits that come from,

sorry not universalizing, but equalizing the benefits

that come from unemployment insurance

so that the better off workers don't get paid more than

the non-well off workers, that such things, I think,

eliminating any quality in general are what the women's

movement, what some segments of the women's movement

aimed for in the 1970s and early part of the 1980s

and I suspect we'll need to aim for in the future

if class and race divisions are to be confronted.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.2.3 Fragmentation with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 4:40.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.3.2 Work-Life Balance with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 12:26.

- I wanted to start today by asking a question

about something that's run through our course

but is on the agenda again today in our present moment

and that's the tension between work and family,

sometimes also called the work-life balance

and I wanted to start by asking what exactly it is we mean

when we say work-family tension or work-life balance,

what are speaking of when we talk about this issue?

- Well this is one of the most intriguing questions

because of course 20 or 30 years ago,

the idea would have made no sense at all

because people were either designated to take care

of their homes or to take care of the jobs

and whichever one they weren't doing was secondary

so men helped out at home and women helped out

by earning what we used to call pin money

in the wage labor force, but as women have more and more

entered the workforce as permanent members

of the wage labor force and as their wages have become

not helping wages but absolutely essential

to running families, so in almost 1/3 of all families

now where there are husbands and wives both earning wages,

women earn more than their partners earn.

On the other hand, there are of course millions of families

where there is only one wage-earner

and that wage-earner is often a female.

Now here's the problem: if you're working out in the labor

force, not just 40 hours a week, but 40 plus hours a week

and often commuting an hour or more each way

and you have people at home, generally small children

to take care of, how do you juggle those two things?

How do you keep them in tension?

Well it used to be that if a woman earned wages,

she would earn wages at a part-time job

and now she earns wages at a full-time job

and the family can't live without those wages

so the work-family tension is literally what it says,

it's a tension between, I suppose you might say

it's a tension in time, it involves having to make

decisions about time and thinking about time

as a scarce resource and then trying to come up

with a way to stretch time so that it meets the needs

of both segments of one's life.

- It strikes me that motherhood is sort of at the center

of this time problem, this conundrum of work-family tension,

both biologically speaking, as women are the only sex

that can become pregnant and have to at some level

have some kind of time off to have a child,

to care for a child, and yet there are also the gendered

social expectations about motherhood that presume a woman

might prefer to stay home with her child

or might rather work a lower pressure, lower stress job

in order to be both mother and worker.

And these become entangled in very complicated ways,

it seems, and yet untangling them and finding solutions

to them seems to be one of the most pressing issues

facing American political and social movements.

- It is, it's not only one of the most pressing issues

but it's the most tension-producing issues,

but it's one of the most tension-producing

of all the issues that men and women or women or families,

however they're constructed, face.

And here's the problem, it used to be that motherhood

was thought of as work and that the male wage,

family wage, we used to call it, was intended to support

the mother, child, or the mother, children,

in order to make sure that women were appropriately

and carefully reared, but of course, now motherhood

and parenthood in general is in passing, if you like,

so whereas a man was a man if he was a good provider,

a woman was a woman if she was a good mother.

Now those two things have absolutely overlapped

and intersected with each other and a woman, in order to be

a good woman, must be both a provider and a nurturer.

A man still can be a man only by being a good provider,

although it's very nice if he's a nurturer,

now that situation can't continue unless we move

to families that don't have male providers

or don't have male carers, that is, all female families,

which I don't think we're quite ready to do.

There's a big problem here and there's a piece of me

that thinks that motherhood is really the issue

for the next decade or two, that we will need to decide

who can mother, who should mother, what it means to mother,

not in terms of what the child needs, but in terms of

the scarcity of time to both mother and to earn wages.

- It seems to me that this tension raises questions

both about the workplace and about government policy

and I wanna ask about government policy first.

How is it that in the United States,

we are still the only, what you might call major

or developed or there are other words for it,

but only nation with any kind of GDP or industrial

development of our size, not to provide any kind

of comprehensive parental leave, childcare,

or similar kinds of benefits for families.

- Well of course that derives from our notion

of individualism, our notion that individuals are personally

responsible for themselves and for their families,

so as long as a man was meant to take care of his family

and a woman was not meant to be out in the workforce,

providing parental leave would only encourage women

to do the wrong thing, if you like,

so countries like France, for example, after World War I

adopted its national crash system,

which we all know so well, precisely because they needed

women in the workforce.

Sweden adopted its childcare policies,

which were very generous, after World War II,

because in the 1950s, they preferred to have women

enter the labor force than to have immigrants

do the jobs that other countries were getting done.

In the United States, we assumed, not always rightly

and certainly not with respect to the poor

and many African-Americans, we assumed that women

could not and should not be in the wage labor force

and therefore providing parental leave for those women

would provide an incentive to do

what the nation didn't want them to do altogether.

One of the most interesting things about this

is how that ideology has built up, if you like,

and been perpetuated in the last 40, 50 years or so

with the rise of a free market fundamentalist,

anti-big-government sensibility.

The notion that even though we now understand

that men cannot support whole families,

we do not want the government interfering

in family functions at all, and therefore this has been

the entirely wrong time to open up the question.

It's a conundrum, if you like, that just at the moment

in the late '60s throughout the '70s and '80s

when married women with children are entering the labor

force at the largest rate ever,

that at that point, we, we meaning the United States,

develops and begins to adhere to an ideology

which argues that the government has no business

supporting families, not poor families,

not any kind of families, so at exactly the moment

when the government should have entered the marketplace,

as it were, and provided childcare or provided hefty

tax deductions for childcare, it did the opposite,

it began to withdraw its support

from poor families who needed it.

- And there's sort of a cruel irony here

because of course the free market promises equal rewards

for equal work, perfect rationality, and yet,

as you've written about in pioneering fashion,

we know that a woman's wage is still a fraught social

construct and that in fact a wage gap continues to persist.

How does a wage gap persist in the punitively free market?

- A wage gap persists because people still imagine

that women and women's jobs are not worth

as much as men and men's jobs are worth.

A wage gap persists because occupational segregation

still exists and the majority of women are still working

in jobs in which a majority of women work.

And those jobs are paid less than the jobs in which men work

so in the '70s when the subject of comparable worth came up

instead of equal pay for equal worth,

it was equal pay for jobs of comparable worth.

People began doing studies that compared the amount

of responsibility and skill and education required

for one job or another, and they discovered that a garage

attendant who was assumed to need the same skill

and education as a childcare carer

were paid at different rates, the garage attendant

was paid almost double the rate paid to the child carer.

Now, how do you explain that,

how do you assume that somebody who's taking care of a child

can only be paid, or is only worth half

of what a garage attendant is worth?

Only because in one's head, in one's imagination,

the worth of a woman, the worth of caring is less

than the worth of automobiles.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.3.2 Work-Life Balance with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 12:26.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.6.1 Looking Forward | The Road to Democracy - Duration: 5:43.

- Moving toward even achieving legislative equality at work

proved to be the beginning, not the end, of the battle.

Each step on the road to equality,

equal pay and an end to discrimination

and hiring and training, access to promotion,

acknowledgement of women's biological differences,

exposed a deeply rooted set of social attitudes

that tried to preserve women's attachments to the home

and hindered a commitment to the job world.

To work freely, women required control

over their own reproduction and sexuality.

They felt entitled to sexual gratification,

as men had always been, and to access

to birth control and to abortion if necessary.

Economic independence encouraged freer lifestyles,

reducing the dependence of women on men

and permitting a genuine choice

of life partners, male or female.

Women who earned adequate incomes could choose

not to have children or among a variety

of childcare arrangements if they had them.

Freedom for women to live without men,

to live with them without benefit of legal marriage,

to create two-career families,

or to live without families at all

posed staggering challenges to traditional values.

For one thing, the rules of work seemed incompatible

with a family life that involved two working adults

or a single working parent.

The old work rules, nine to five, 40 hours a week

and sometimes overtime, left the home

in decidedly second place.

But, women who entered the labor force expected

to play by the same rules as men.

Working under those conditions raised questions

about family life, child-rearing, intimacy

and power within the family.

The threatening implications of changing sex roles

and changing values encouraged more traditional women

to join groups like HOT DOG,

Humanitarians Opposed to Degrading Our Girls,

and HOW, Happiness of Womanhood to restore morality

to American life.

A rising backlash of social conservatives

blamed women for all the ills of society

and insisted on the historical legitimacy

and social value of the traditional nuclear family

with a father at the head of the household

and everyone within it subject to his authority.

"Women," said one conservative, "need to know

"that somebody will have the authority

"and make the decision and that your job

"is to be happy with it."

For these groups, women's liberation had become the enemy.

Feminism quickly became anathema,

a threat as Phyllis Schlafly put it

"to our schools, our laws, our textbooks,

"our constitution, our military, everything,

"and end up taking our husbands' jobs away."

The search for autonomy among liberated women

seemed merely self-centered.

To middle-income, traditionally married women,

there was a germ of truth in all the fear.

Since social order was still imagined

as rooted in the home, it seemed to disintegrate

as the family changed form and focus.

An undercurrent of sympathy supported

anti-feminist positions and rallied

in support of comforting traditional forms.

Those who could afford it often chose

a temporary dependence, a period of staying home

with the children over the stress

of the double burden of home and wage work.

Organized black women who had long ago discovered

that racism restricted their ability

to provide economic sustenance for themselves

and their families shared the mistrust

of a woman's movement that seemed to pour benefits

on white women while neglecting the needs

of black women for social support.

And yet, the logic of women's changing economic roles

moved inexorably towards equality.

Women could not drop out of the labor force

in large numbers without undermining family well-being

and perhaps requiring a major change

in national consumption patterns and prosperity.

And yet, if women continued to hold jobs,

they would inevitably press for the rewards of labor

and the family would suffer.

The 21st century opened with a giant question.

How to reconcile the individual

and national economic imperatives

with responsible and satisfying family life?

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.6.1 Looking Forward | The Road to Democracy - Duration: 5:43.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.5.1 The Future with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 2:40.

- And, this brings us around, in a way, to my final question

which is about, of course,

the recent election and Hillary Clinton's rise

to become the first major party nominee for President

who's a woman in the United States.

I think the sort of most aggressive attack on her says

that she is a lean-in feminist of one kind or another,

that she's competed.

And, yet, I do think she's made an effort,

as you said in our lectures,

she's made an effort to bring women's issues to the fore,

that she's been a part of the women's movement

in different ways.

And so, when you think

through the history we've studied here, all 14 weeks of it,

what kinds of possibilities do you see for her,

for future women leaders?

What kind of hopes do you have for the kinds of trajectories

they might chart out for the future?

- I suppose the only answer to that is both and (laughs),

that is, that we need women leaders like Hillary

who have, in fact, leaned-in very strongly

and who have even, in order to lean in, adopted

some of the policies that many women reject.

She's often accused of being more hawkish, for example,

than she ought to be and, yet, women like me,

we support Hillary Clinton

because having a woman there will,

or having a woman in a leadership position,

will also support the rising prospects

of women in general.

So, you know, both and, right?

We need women to do what Hillary has done

in order to have a woman President

and, at the same time, we need that woman President

to continue to struggle

on behalf of universal benefits,

representation for all kinds of women

and not just for a particular class of people.

Can she do that?

Is it possible, given the pressures of the Presidency?

Well, you know, they often say

that historians write about the past,

they don't predict the future and I can't predict that,

but I can keep my fingers crossed.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 20.5.1 The Future with Nick Juravich | Having It All - Duration: 2:40.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.6.2 The Impact of Feminism with Vivian Gornick | The Road to Democracy - Duration: 5:55.

- Let me see if I can't come at this from another direction

which is to say--

- Just say what you think was happening.

- Just to say the following.

- Go on.

- Those of us who come from the left had much more

in mind than giving women a greater choice or

opening doors to women.

We really wanted to change the world and we thought

that this light that you so eloquently describe

would really lead us, not just into a better world

for women, but a better world altogether.

Where all human beings would be able to achieve

their potential.

And that meant a consciousness of class and of the,

you know, the impositions, let me put it that way,

imposed by poverty.

So that for poor women, women who weren't middle class

women, women of color, newly immigrated women,

there was a kind of alienation from the feminist

movement as you've described it.

And so one of the things I wonder about,

one of the things that's confused me all of my

feminist days or life has been that

we have been enormously successful,

I think you would say, at breaking the barriers

or opening the doors or creating possibilities

for women with and without children,

to do the kinds of work they want to do.

But we've been far less successful at making the

world a better place to be in.

And sometimes when I think back on feminism I think,

have we really failed or were our original aspirations

just moved in a direction that,

if we looked at them now form the perspective of

the 70s we might say, "No, no that's not where I

"really intended to go."

- You say what you have to say?

I disagree completely with everything you said.

And I disagreed actually, at the same time,

I can't remember which collection of stuff I was

reviewing, but among them was this book by Linda Gordon

and four other historians who make exactly the same

argument.

Hold the second wave of American feminism to account

for not having joined labor, race, etc,

all the other things that you have just said.

All I can say to that is from a time I can remember,

and this is long before feminism, I grew up in the left

and from the time I can remember the woman question

was divisive.

When I became a feminist and went back to Elizabeth Stanton

and that history, and it's a history you know

as well as I do, you know that radical feminism

begins with the revolt against the 14th amendment,

against the amendment that said black men can get

the vote, but women never.

And at that moment Elizabeth and Susan Anthony said,

"This is where we take our stand.

"If we join that abolitionists in saying yes to this,

"we are betraying women's rights completely and

"we will get nothing.

"We stand alone, we have always stood alone,

"and we always will stand alone."

From the time of the Owenites on, the indigenous socialists

in England in the 1820s, Francis Wright who was one of--

Fanny Wright becomes and Owenite because Owen says,

"Yes, yes the women too."

And then she discovers yes, it was the women too,

and then when it was convenient the "women too"

got scrapped.

So from that time on the meaning of radical feminism

is the realization that you throw everything you have

into rights for women or you don't, or you lose.

I mean, I've listen to this throughout my life,

long before feminism and certainly during it,

I believe it with all my heart.

I mean, I believe in radical feminism in that sense.

And for me it is changing the world.

I can't agree that we didn't change the world.

There are many ways to change the world,

one of them is certainly, for me, the argument about--

For me it's always women's rights.

It's social and political and cultural equality.

I want to see that more than anything in the world

between men and women.

I want to see it between blacks and whites,

Jews and gentiles, every class,

I want to see John Rawls' Society come into existence.

I want to see all these things, but I do not believe

that you can fight all those things in one big ball.

And, for me, it was never a matter of getting the jobs,

often what has happened to American feminism is

appalling to me in that it comes down to books like

Lean In or go to work for a corporation, make a million.

That's never what it was about, that's something

that I bear.

That's an unintended or unexpected development.

At the same time, you see, I don't know whether it's

changing the world, but you see women in business and

government and everything under the sun and in law

and medicine, and if that's not a change in the world,

I don't know what is.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.6.2 The Impact of Feminism with Vivian Gornick | The Road to Democracy - Duration: 5:55.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.4.1 Battles Over Reproductive Justice: From Griswold to Roe v. Wade - Duration: 6:04.

- In 1973 the Supreme Court decided, finally,

to legalize abortion under some rather stringent

conditions.

Roe v. Wade was the result of a lawsuit brought

in Texas by a woman who already had three children.

We know here pseudonymously as Jane Roe.

Roe was denied hospital permission to get an abortion,

she tried to find an illegal abortion,

and discovered that the nearby clinic had moved away

from her district.

She then went to see two attorneys,

Sarah Weddington and Linda Coffee, who together

championed the lawsuit that would reach the Supreme Court

and which would be decided in January of 1973.

Abortion, the court decided, was in fact a fundamental

right of women, subject to strict scrutiny it could not

be arbitrarily denied to a woman in her first

trimester of pregnancy and with a doctor's assent,

might be performed into the second trimester

and even the third if her life was at stake.

The decision was rooted in a woman's right to privacy.

Widely celebrated by the National Abortion Rights

Action League, NARAL, Planned Parenthood,

and other advocates for women's choice,

the decision was greeted with enormous relief

by women who could now legally terminate their

pregnancies.

Some 75% of the population approved the decision.

But it drew opposition among those like Phyllis Schlafly,

who believed that it was wrongly decided.

Abortion declared opponents would destroy the family

in providing women with the right to make decisions

regarding the fetus, legal abortions would destroy

the male ego, undermine the home, and dismantle family life.

This was only the first salvo in what would be a

continuing battle to restrict abortion.

The first step was the Hyde Amendment.

In 1976 congress passed a law declaring that no

federal dollars should be available for abortion

purposes.

Hospitals that received federal monies,

military hospitals, mothers who were on welfare,

for example, none of them would be allowed to use

federal dollars to obtain abortions.

In a second strike, Webster v. Reproductive Health,

the Supreme Court decided that states could enact

reasonable restrictions on the abortion right.

They could, and did, regulate the location of abortion

clinics, the number of clinics in any particular area,

the medical facilities under which abortion could

occur, and the medical training of those who provided

abortions.

They could also insist on parental consent for

teenagers, counseling and waiting periods for all

applicants, and sonograms before the procedure

took place.

The supreme court thus licensed states to erode

abortion pretty much at will.

A few years later it granted women who sought termination

a small reprieve.

In Planned Parenthood v. Casey the court decided

that the fetus' viability should govern when and

how abortions were performed.

Without negating the trimester approach,

it suggested that fetal viability should be the dominant

factor in the decision of medical personnel to

abort or not.

That left proponents, opponents, and scientists to

argue about the moment of viability.

In all these ways, the struggle for and against

abortion rights echoed a much larger concern

in the minds of both men and women.

Given the need for wager earning women to control

their reproductive choices, would restrictions inhibit

their capacity to earn as men did?

Were the courts really participating in a struggle

for the rights of women to work under equal conditions?

The mixed reception that Roe v. Wade received among

minority groups illustrates the dilemma of government

regulation of abortion.

Minority groups like the Black Panthers

and the Young Lords, who represented Puerto Rican

activists, held the position that abortion was a form

of genocide, designed by dominant white populations

to destroy black babies.

They argued the right to terminate a pregnancy

often meant the right to sterilize poor women of color.

While white women, at least affluent white women,

didn't really want to have babies, poor black and

Hispanic women had often been sterilized against

their wills.

Sometimes because they were on welfare.

Sometimes to punish them for a sexual freedom that,

in white eyes, produced too many babies.

When the Hyde Amendment restricted access to abortion

for the poor, minority women perceived a discrimination

that has not yet been overcome.

For more infomation >> MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.4.1 Battles Over Reproductive Justice: From Griswold to Roe v. Wade - Duration: 6:04.

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MOOC WHAW1.2x | 19.3.1 Are Women Different Or the Same? | The Road to Democracy - Duration: 0:44.

- The struggle for justice for women

extended into the heart of the family.

At one level it involved women's capacity

to engage in wage work,

but at another, it deeply affected their ability

to establish independent lives

and to maintain their own homes.

Let's turn to Nick Juravich and Suzanne Kahn

to talk about those issues.

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