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For more infomation >> Finger Family Halloween Song | Scary Nursery Rhymes | Slime Monster Song for Kids - Duration: 1:51.

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Un extraño fenómeno ha sido detectado en Argentina durante una tormenta - Duration: 1:35.

For more infomation >> Un extraño fenómeno ha sido detectado en Argentina durante una tormenta - Duration: 1:35.

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Stellers sea lion - 3:5 - Nature Meets Paper - Duration: 4:39.

Stellar sea lions are the second-largest Otariid

Hi, I'm Brandon and welcome to nature meets paper the place where we go on an adventure to discover the world of marine biology today

We're going to discover the stellar sea lion. Are you ready let's dive in?

Stellar sea lions can be found in the arc around the North Pacific Ocean. I will insert a map as a visual

This arc goes from Japan to Russia into Alaska all the way down to California

They stay relatively close to the coast but can be found near the continental shelf

The sea lion can be seen hauling out on sandy beaches rocky beaches and rocky shores

They enjoy nutrient-rich waters. Where food is easy to obtain

How do you identify these animals if you see them in wild the stellar sea lion is the second largest of the eared seals

Only second to the walrus females grow to an average length of 8.2. Feet long and can weigh between 550 and

770 pounds

males become larger and can average 9 point 8 feet long weighing 900 to 2400 pounds

The males are sexually dimorphic

Having thicker necks with coarse fur high foreheads and blunt snouts

Stellar sea lions are lighter in coloration than the other sea lions. They can be light tan to reddish brown

Juvenile sea lions are dark in coloration can get lighter as they age

The eared seals or Otariids use a front flippers for propulsion through the water

true seals or phocids use their hind flippers for propulsion and pectoral flippers for steering the

Eared seals can bend their spine and are more flexible than true seals they use this flexibility as their means to turn sharply

Another interesting fact about eared seals is that they can bend their hind flippers up and underneath their body on land

This allows them to walk short distances

We discovered that stellar sea lions live close to the shore due to food constraints, so let's discover what sea lions eat

they feed on several species of fish including cod

rockfish

salmon herring

pollock capelin etc they feed on squid

octopus and bivalves when present

What threatens the stellar sea lion, I could only find human interactions that threaten the seal on

instances like boat strikes

pollution

fishermen using deterrents like guns or explosives and

overfishing

Overfishing of fatty fishes that causes the sea lions to shift their diets to non fatty fish

This causes a problem for building insulation of blubber in the cold water

the IUCN Red List has the stellar sea lion as endangered the populations have been declining since the

1970s so

Now is the time that you want to hear my personal stories you want to hear that I was in a small boat

Cruising through the Puget Sound when we stumbled across these resting sea lions on the rocks you

Want to hear that I got an incredible photos just for you I

Would love that as well

The truth is I took these pictures in Victoria British, Columbia, Canada

I took artistic photos at the BC Royal Museum

These animals are stuffed

I've seen animals in the wild like I was alluding to in the beginning. I just didn't get great photos at the time

But although these animals are dead I can give them new life through art. I will call this adventure finished

Thank you so much for going on this adventure with me it means so much that you take time out of your

Schedules to watch this video to discover something new

I'd also like to thank you for being an active member of this community

Without you it wouldn't be possible whether it's by leaving likes comments

subscribing or even sharing this video every little bit helps I

Love hearing your stories, so make sure to write them down below remember share your discoveries and adventures with a friend

It's more fun. That way I've been Brandon, and I'll see you in our next adventure

For more infomation >> Stellers sea lion - 3:5 - Nature Meets Paper - Duration: 4:39.

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50k Coins Reward Links in 8 ball |100% Work | No Hack | No Cheat | - Duration: 0:59.

For more infomation >> 50k Coins Reward Links in 8 ball |100% Work | No Hack | No Cheat | - Duration: 0:59.

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Madurando con Murray | Hans-Hermann Hoppe - Duration: 57:19.

It is my great pleasure

to introduce one of the leading Rothbardian and a very faithful rothbardian

on this evening we're comrades in arms

we've known each other since 1985 we' ve together fought the good fight hopefully

for Austrian economics and libertarianism

The person that I'm introducing is a hero and that he is initiated his the property and freedom

society on his own and with the help of his lovely wife

Gulcin Imre and that this is certainly an politically incorrect

but a truth-telling organization that has no peer in the world.

and I'm course talking about Hans-Hermann Hoppe.

Hans was educated at the University of the Saarland University, Goethe University of Frankfurt

both in Germany,

and the University of Michigan for studies in philosophy, sociology, history and economics.

He earned his PhD in philosophy and his habilitation which

is an advanced degree even beyond a PhD in sociology and economics from Goethe University.

he taught at several german universities as well as

at the Johns Hopkins University Center for Advanced Studies in Bologna Italy

and is professor emeritus at the University of Nevada Las Vegas.

In 1986 he moved from Germany to the United States to study under Murray Rothbard

and remained a close associate of Rothbard until Murray's death in 1995

Dr. Hoppe is currently Distinguished Fellow of the Mises Institute

the only one who has achieved this recognition

he is former editor of the journal of libertarian studies

and is a lifelong member of the Royal Horticultural Society

I don't know where that came from.

Among his english-language books our Democracy the God that Failed, The Myth

of National Defense, Economic Science and the Austrian method,

The Economics and Ethics of Private Property, A Theory of Socialism and Capitalism,

The great fiction from democracy from aristocracy...excuse me to monarchy to

democracy and numerous articles on philosophy economics and the social sciences.

Best of all, all of these books and articles can be read

by people without a PhD in anything okay by regular people by real people

and I recommend that you dig into these works and you read them and

you will soon become addicted.

Hans in his lovely wife Dr. Guelcin Imre live in Istanbul.

So I introduced you Hans-Hermann Hoppe.

Thank You Joe for that nice introduction, thank you Mises Institute

Jeff Deist, Lew Rockwell, Bill Barnett for the honour to be the keynote speaker here.

I will not talk about horticulture even though I'm a member of the Royal Horticultural Society,

thanks to my wife who is an ardent gardener I'm just more spectator.

But my topic is coming of age with Murray.

I first met Murray Rothbard in the summer of 1985

I was in 35 years old and Murray was 59 and.

For the next 10 years until Murray's premature death in 1995, I would be associated with Murray

first in New York City and then in Las Vegas at UNLV in closer and more

immediate and direct contact than anyone else except his wife Joey, of course.

Being almost as old now as Murray was at the time of his death

I thought it appropriate to use this occasion

to speak and reflect a bit on what I learned during my ten years with Murray.

I was already an adult when I first met Murray,

not just in the biological but also in the mental and intellectual sense,

and yet, I only came of age while associated with him —

and I want to talk about this experience.

Before I met Murray I had already completed my Ph.D. and attained the rank of a Privatdozent

(that is a tenured but unpaid university professor),

the same rank incidentally that Ludwig von Mises once held in Vienna.

Apart from my doctoral dissertation ), I had already completed two books.

One, that revealed me as a Misesian,

and another, about to be published in the following year, year 1986 that revealed me as a Rothbardian.

I had already read all of Mises's and Rothbard's theoretical works.

(I had not yet read Murray's voluminous journalistic work,

which was essentially unavailable to me at the time in Germany.)

Thus, it was not my personal encounter with Murray, then, that made me a Misesian and Rothbardian.

Intellectually, I was already a Misesian and Rothbardian years before I ever met Murray personally.

And so, notwithstanding the fact that I am myself foremost a theoretician,

I do not want to speak here about the grand Austro-libertarian intellectual edifice

that Mises and, in his succession,

Rothbard have handed down to us, or about my own small contributions to this system,

but about my long personal experience with Murray:

about the practical and existential lessons

that I learned through my encounters with him and that turned me from an adult to a man who had come of age.

I moved to New York City, because I considered Murray the greatest of all social theorists,

at least in the 20th century if not of all times,

just as I considered Mises the greatest of all economists of all times

and, with Mises having long gone and out of the picture,

I wanted to meet, get to know and work with this man, Rothbard.

I still hold this view concerning the greatness of Mises and Rothbard.

Indeed, even more so today than 30 years ago.

And since then, there has been no second Mises or Rothbard.

Not even close, and we may have to wait for a long time for this to happen again.

So I moved to NYC knowing Murray's work, but knowing almost nothing about the man.

Remember, this was 1985.

I was still writing in longhand and then using a mechanical typewriter,

acquainting myself with a computer for the first time only during the following year at UNLV.

And Murray never used a computer but stayed with an electric typewriter until the end of his life.

There were no cell-phones, there were no emails, no internet, no Google, no Wikipedia, and no Youtube.

At the beginning, even fax-machines did not exist.

My correspondence with Murray preceding my arrival in NYC, then, was by old, regular snail-mail.

Murray expressed his enthusiasm about my wish to meet and work with him

and immediately offered to enlist the help of Burton Blumert, and indeed,

Burt then was of instrumental help in facilitating my move from Europe to the US.

(The wonderful Burt Blumert, owner of Camino Coins,

and also the founder of the original Center for Libertarian Studies

that would ultimately be integrated and merged with the Mises Institute,

Burton Blumert was one of Murray's dearest friends and confidants.

He was also a great benefactor and dear friend to me.)

I had seen some photos of Murray, I knew that he, like Mises,

was Jewish, that he taught at Brooklyn Polytechnic Institute

(subsequently renamed New York Polytechnic University and nowadays Polytechnic Institute of NYU),

that he was the editor of the much admired Journal of Libertarian Studies,

and that he was closely associated, as its academic director, with the Ludwig von Mises Institute

that Lew Rockwell had recently, 35 years ago, in 1982, founded.

That was about it.

And so, both unprepared, we met for the first time in Murray's university office.

Here was I, the 'cool blonde from the North,'

to cite a popular advertisement for bitter tasting northern German beers,

young, tall and athletic, somewhat unsociable, dry and with a dry sense of humor,

and more on the blunt, sarcastic and confrontational side.

So you might say I was perfect Wehrmacht-material, if you will.

And there was Murray: the 'big-city neurotic,' to use the German title of Woody Allen's comedic Annie Hall,

a generation older,

short and round, non-athletic, even clumsy (except for typing),

gregarious and hilarious, never moping but ever joyful, and, in his personal dealings

(quite unlike in his writings),

always non-confrontational, well-tempered or even tame.

Not exactly Wehrmacht-material.

Personality-wise, then, we could hardly have been more different.

Indeed, we were quite an odd couple — and yet, we hit it off from the start.

Given the long, special historical relationship between Germans and Jews,

I, as a young German meeting an older Jew in America,

had been afraid that this history might become a potential source of tension.

Not so. Quite to the contrary.

On the subject of religion itself, there was general agreement.

We were both agnostics, yet with a profound interest in the sociology of religion

and quite similar views on comparative religion.

Yet Murray greatly deepened my understanding of the role of religion in history

through his unfortunately uncompleted great work,

during the last decade of his life, on The History of Economic Thought.

Moreover, in our countless conversations, I learned from Murray about the importance

of complementing Austro-libertarian theory

with revisionist history in order to come up with a truly realistic assessment

of historic events and global affairs.

And it was I, then, as someone who had grown up in defeated and devastated post-WWII West-Germany

with the then (and still) 'official history'

taught across all German schools and universities of

(a) feeling guilty and ashamed of being German and German history

and (b) believing that America and America's democratic capitalism

was 'the greatest thing' since or even before the invention of sliced bread,

who had to revise his formerly still, despite all Austro-libertarian theory,

rather naïve views about world affairs in general and US-American and German history in particular.

As a matter of fact, Murray made me fundamentally change my rather rosy

view of the US and helped me, for the first time,

to feel consoled, content and even happy about being German,

and to develop a special concern for Germany and the fate of the German people.

To my initial surprise, then, — and ultimately my great and pleasant relief — Murray was quite a Germanophile.

He knew and highly appreciated the German contributions to philosophy,

mathematics, science, engineering, scholarly history and literature.

His beloved teacher Mises had originally written in German and was a product of German culture.

Murray loved German music, he loved German baroque churches,

he loved the Bavarian beer-garden atmosphere and the from-church-to-beer-garden-we-go tradition.

His wife Joey was of German ancestry, her maiden-name being JoAnn Schumacher,

and Joey was a member of the Richard-Wagner-Society, or societies, and a lifelong opera buff.

As well, most of Murray's friends that I would eventually meet turned out to be Germanophiles.

Foremost among them Ralph Raico, the great historian of classical liberalism,

who I had hoped to see again at this occasion but who sadly left us forever almost a year ago now.

I met Ralph only a few months after my arrival in NYC, at a party

at a party held at Murray's apartment on the upper Westside.

I immediately took to his caustic sarcasm and over the years we developed a close friendship.

Apart from our many meetings at various Mises Institute events,

I still fondly remember in particular our extended joint travels in northern Italy

and especially when, at a conference in Milano,

sponsored by some friends and affiliates of the once (but no longer) secessionist Lega Nord,

some self-proclaimed — who would have guessed that?!

"anti-fascist" demonstrators appeared in front of the conference hotel

to denounce us, to our great amusement,

as 'libertari-fascisti.'

Ralph was also the one who introduced me to the revisionist scholarship concerning WWI and WWII

as well as the entire interwar period, and it was Ralph,

who taught me about the history of German liberalism and in particular

its radical 19th century libertarian representatives that had been

almost completely forgotten in contemporary Germany.

Incidentally, Lew Rockwell, too, early on showed his Germanophile credentials.

when we first met in NYC in the fall of 1985, he drove a Mercedes 190,

he then went astray for a few years, driving an American-made pickup truck,

but ultimately returned to the fold by driving a Mini-Cooper, produced by BMW.

But above all it was Murray,

who taught me never to trust official history,

invariably written by the victors,

but to conduct all historical research instead like a detective investigating a crime.

always, first and foremost and as a first approximation, follow the money in search of a motive.

Who is to gain, whether in terms of money, real estate or sheer power from this measure or that?

In most cases, answering this question will lead you directly to the very actor or group of actors

responsible for the measure or policy under consideration.

Simple as it is to ask this question, however, it is much more difficult

and requires often arduous research to answer it,

and to unearth, from under a huge smokescreen of seemingly high-minded rhetoric

and pious propaganda, the hard facts and indicators

— the money flows and welfare-gains — to actually prove a crime and to identify and 'out' its perpetrators.

Murray was a master in this, and that at a time when you did not have access to computers,

the internet and search machines such as Google.

and to do this detective's work, as I learned from Murray,'prestigious' journals — in short:

you must go beyond official documents, the MSM, the big and famous names,

the academic 'stars' and the prestigious journals

— in short: everything and everyone deemed 'respectable' and 'politically correct.'

You must also, and in particular, pay attention to the work of outsiders,

extremists and outcasts, i.e., to 'disrespectable' or 'deplorable' people

and 'obscure' publication outlets

what you are supposed to ignore or not even know about.

To this day, I have heeded, and indeed relished following this advice.

Anyone who could see my list of bookmarks of frequently visited websites would likely be surprised,

and any establishmentarian or leftist in particular would likely be shocked and shudder in disgust.

With this general perspective and outlook on things,

revisionists such as Murray (and myself) are regularly charged,

contemptuously, as some nutty conspiracy theorists.

To this charge, Murray would typically respond:

First, put bluntly and sarcastically, even if one were a certified paranoid

this cannot be taken as proof that no one was actually after you and your money.

And second and more systematically:

Conspiracies are less likely, of course, the larger the number of supposed conspirators.

Also, it is naïve to assume the existence of just one big all-encompassing conspiracy

run by one all-powerful group of conspirators.

But conspiracies, often rival or even contradictory conspiracies, i.e.,

confidential efforts of various groups of people acting in concert

in the pursuit of some common goal, are indeed an ever-present feature of social reality.

As any action, such conspiracies can succeed or they can fail

and can lead to consequences that were un-intended by the conspirators.

But realistically speaking, most if not all historical events

are more or less exactly what some identifiable people or group of people acting in concert

intended them to be.

Indeed, to assume the opposite is to assume, incredibly,

that history is nothing but a sequence of unintelligible events and accidents.

Moreover, in learning from Murray about the necessity of complementing

Austro-libertarian theory with revisionist history so as to gain a complete,

realistic picture of the world and worldly affairs,

I also received constant training from him in the art of prudent and judicious judgment and evaluation of people,

and judicious judgment and evaluation of people, actions and events.

Pure theory allows us to make rather clear-cut judgments of true or false, right or wrong,

and effective, leading to the goal intended, or ineffective.

But many if not most actions and events

provoking or eliciting our judgments do not fall into the category of matters

that can be thusly evaluated.

We are surrounded, or better: encircled, by a class of people — politicians and state-agents —

that, day-in and day-out, renders and enforces decisions

that systematically impact and affect our property

and consequently our entire conduct of life

without our consent and against our explicit protestation.

We are confronted by an elite of rulers,

And confronted with politicians and political decisions, then,

our judgment concerns the evaluation of, at best, second-bests.

The question is not true or false, right or wrong, effective or ineffective.

Rather, it is this:

Given that political decisions are per se false, wrong and ineffective,

which of these decisions is less false, wrong and effective

and comparatively closer to the truth, the right and the good,

and which person represents a lesser evil or a greater one than another.

Such questions do not allow for a scientific answer,

because answering them involves the comparative evaluation

of countless immeasurable and incommensurable variables.

And in any case, newly discovered facts about the past or future developments

may well reveal any such judgment as mistaken.

But the answer is also not arbitrary.

What is true, right and effective is given, as fix-points, and reasons must be supplied,

whether based on logic or empirical evidence,

for locating various second-bests as closer or more distant to such points.

Rather, judgment-making in matters such as these is a difficult art,

much like entrepreneurship is not a science but an art.

And just as some people are good at entrepreneurship and others bad,

indicated by monetary profits or losses,

so are some people good at judging political events and actors and others bad

gaining or losing in the reputation as wise and prudent judges.

Murray was of course not unfailing in his judgments

During the late 1960's and early 1970's, for instance,

he misjudged the anti-war stand of the New Left as more principled than it really was,

something that he afterwards readily admitted as a mistake.

And I know of at least one, rather personal case,

where Joey's judgment was better and more on the mark than his.

This notwithstanding, I have not encountered anyone of sounder, subsequently vindicated judgment than Murray.

With this I want to come to the second major lesson I learned during my long association with Murray.

While the first lesson in revisionism

concerned matters of practice and method, the second lesson concerned existential matters.

Before I met Murray, I knew of course that he was a radical outsider

in a predominantly leftist-liberal academia

and I expected (and was willing to accept for myself) that this would involve some sacrifices,

i.e., that one would have to pay a price for being a Rothbardian,

not only, but also in terms of money.

But I was quite surprised to realize how high this price was.

I knew that Brooklyn Polytechnic was not a prestigious university,

yet I expected Murray to occupy there a comfortable, well-paying post.

Moreover, at the time I still fancied the US as a bastion and bulwark of free enterprise

and consequently expected that Murray,l

as the foremost intellectual champion of capitalism

and the personified anti-thesis to Marx, would be held in high esteem,

if not in academia then certainly outside of it,

in the world of commerce and business, and accordingly be rewarded

with a certain degree of affluence.

In fact, at Brooklyn Polytechnic Murray occupied a small, grungy and windowless office

that he had to share with a history professor.

In Germany, even research assistants enjoyed more comfortable surroundings, not to speak of full professors.

Murray ranked among the lowest paid full professors at his school.

Indeed, my German National Science Foundation grant at the time — a Heisenberg scholarship —

turned out to be considerably higher than Murray's university salary

(something that I was too ashamed to reveal to him after I had discovered it).

And Murray's apartment in Manhattan, large and filled to the ceiling with books, was dark and run-down.

Certainly nothing like the penthouse that I had imagined him to occupy.

This situation improved significantly with his move in 1986, at age 60, to Las Vegas and UNLV.

While my salary went down there as compared to my previous compensation, Murray's went sharply up,

but was still below 100K,

and he could afford to buy a roomy but spartan house.

Even as the holder of an endowed chair at UNLV, however,

Murray did not have command of any research assistants or a personal secretary.

Yet Murray never complained or showed any bitterness or signs of envy

but always plugged along joyfully and pushed ahead instead with his writings.

This was a hard lesson for me to learn and I am still having difficulties following it at times.

A propos, Joey and Murray once told me laughingly how, at the time when they were still dating,

Both had expected the other to be a good catch.

Joey, because Murray was Jewish, and Murray, because Joey was gentile

— only to then find out that they were both wrong in their expectations.

Moreover, despite his towering achievements as an intellectual champion of free market capitalism,

Murray never won any prizes, awards or honors to speak of.

That he did not win a Nobel prize in economics was not surprising.

After all, the great Mises also did not win it.

But in the US alone there existed dozens of institutions —think-tanks, foundations,

business associations, research centers and universities —

that professed their dedication to free markets and liberty,

and yet none of them ever awarded Murray any significant prize or honorary award,

all the while they showered people with money and awards

who had done little more than to suggest — "daringly" — some incremental reform such as, let's say,

lowering the marginal tax rate from 35% to 30

or cutting the budget of the EPA by some percentage points, or who had simply expressed

their "personal love" of "freedom" and "free enterprise" often, loudly and emphatically enough.

None of this fazed Murray in the slightest.

Indeed, he expected nothing else, for reasons that I still had to learn.

What Murray realized and I still had to learn was that the most vociferous and ferocious rejection and opposition

to Austro-libertarianism would not come from the traditional socialist Left,

but rather from these very self-proclaimed "anti-socialist," "limited government,"

"minimal state," "pro-private enterprise" and "pro-freedom" outfits and their intellectual mouthpieces,

and above all from what has become known as the Beltway-Libertarians.

They simply could not stomach the fact that Murray had demonstrated with plain logic

that their doctrines were nothing but inconsistent intellectual clap-trap,

and that they were all, to use Mises's verdict vis-a-vis Milton Friedman and his company,

a "bunch of socialists,"

socialists notwithstanding their vehement protestations to the contrary.

For, as Murray argued, once you admitted the existence of a State, any State,

defined as a territorial monopolist of ultimate decision making in every case of conflict,

including conflicts involving the State itself,

then all private property had been effectively abolished,

even if it remained provisionally, qua State-grant, nominally private,

and had been replaced instead by a system of "collective" or rather State-property.

State, any State, means socialism, defined as "the collective ownership of factors of production."

The institution of a State is praxeologically incompatible

with private property and private property based enterprise.

It is the very anti-thesis of private property, and any proponent of private property

and private enterprise then must, as a matter of logic, be an anarchist.

In this regard (as in many others) Murray was unwilling to compromise,

or "intransigent," as his detractors would say.

Because in theory, in thinking, compromise is impermissible.

In everyday life, compromise is a permanent, and ubiquitous feature, of course.

But in theory, compromise is the ultimate sin, a strict and absolute 'no no.' It is not permissible, for instance,

to compromise between the two incompatible propositions that 1+1=2

or that 1+1=3 and accept that it is 2.5.

Either some proposition is true or it is false. There can be no "meeting in the middle" of truth and falsehood.

Here, regarding Murray's uncompromising radicalism,

a little anecdote told by Ralph Raico seems apropos.

To quote Ralph:

Murray was someone special. I recognized that fact the first night I met him.

It was after the Mises seminar;

a buddy of mine and I had been invited to attend, and afterwards Murray suggested we have coffee and talk.

My friend and I were dazzled by the great Mises, and Murray, naturally, was pleased to see our enthusiasm.

He assured us that Mises was at least the greatest economist of the century,

if not the whole history of economic thought.

As far as politics went, though, Murray said, lowering his voice conspiratorially:

"Well, when it comes to politics, some of us consider Mises a member of the non-Communist Left."

and Ralph concludes this by saying: "Yes, it was easy to see we'd met someone very special."

Unlike Murray, quite a few individuals who had learned essentially everything they ever knew from Murray,

in particular his Man, Economy and State,

quite few people were willing to make such intellectual compromises

and they were richly rewarded for their intellectual "flexibility" and "tolerance." But that was not Murray!

And consequently, he was (and still is) ignored, excluded or denounced by the chieftains

of the "limited-government-free-market-industry."

And he was essentially left without any institutional support,

as a lone fighter, until the arrival of Lew Rockwell and the Mises Institute.

I experienced this Rothbard-phobia second-handedly, if you will.

For as soon as word had gotten out that the new German arrival was Murray's boy

and also appeared rather "intransigent,"

I found myself immediately placed on the same blacklists with him.

Thus, I had quickly learned a first important real-life lesson of what it means to be a Rothbardian.

Another lesson was in humility.

Joe Salerno talked about that love it, I have to add a few things

Murray had a huge library,

and read and digested an enormous amount of literature and was consequently a humble man.

He was always reluctant and highly skeptical to assume or recognize any "originality" claims.

"Originality" claims, he knew, are made most frequently by people with tiny libraries and little reading.

In distinct contrast, Murray was highly generous in giving credit to others.

And he was equally generous in giving advice to anyone asking.

Indeed, on almost any conceivable subject, he was prepared,

off the top of his head, to provide you with an extensive bibliography.

As well, he encouraged any sign of productivity even among his lowliest students.

While I always tried to follow this example,

I could not bring myself to go quite as far as Murray did.

Because I thought and still think that Murray's humility was excessive, that he was humble almost to a fault.

His students at Brooklyn Polytechnic, for instance,

mostly engineering majors (or, as Murray described Mises's students at NYU, "packaging majors"),

had no idea who he was, because he never mentioned his own works.

They were genuinely surprised to find out from me who their jolly professor was

when I substituted teaching Murray's class while he was out of town.

And at UNLV the situation was not much different.

While I actively promoted him as his unofficial PR-agent, Murray continued in his self-deprecation.

Although he had written on almost any imaginable subject in the social sciences,

he would, when he suggested or assigned term-papers to his students,

mention his own related writings, if at all, only as some sort of afterthought or upon specific request.

Yet Murray's extreme modesty had also another, unfortunate effect.

When we moved to Las Vegas in 1986, we had expected to turn UNLV into a bastion of Austrian economics.

At the time, UNLV's basketball team, the Runnin' Rebels,

under coach Jerry Tarkanian, were a national powerhouse,

always slightly scandalous, but impossible to overlook.

We had hoped to become the Runnin' Rebels of economics at UNLV.

Several students had transferred and enrolled at the university in anticipation of such a development.

But these hopes were quickly disappointed.

Already at our arrival at UNLV the composition of the economics department

had significantly changed, and then majority rule, democracy, set in.

To balance the Austrian influence, only one year later,

the department majority decided, against our opposition, to hire a no-name Marxist.

I urged Murray to use his position and reputation

to interfere with the university's higher-ups and prevent this appointment.

Except for Jerry Tarkanian, Murray was the only nationally recognized person at UNLV.

He held the only endowed chair at the university.

We knew the university's president and provost socially and were on cordial terms with both of them.

Accordingly, I believed that there was a realistic chance to overturn the department's decision.

But I could not persuade Murray of his own powers.

After this missed opportunity matters became worse.

The department continued to hire anyone but an Austrian or Austrian sympathizer.

Our students were mal-treated and discriminated against.

The department and the dean of the business college denied me tenure

(which decision was overruled by the university's provost and president,

not least because of massive student protests and the intervention of several university donors).

The department chairman wrote an outrageous, nasty

and insulting annual evaluation of Murray's professorial performance

(upon which the university administration forced the chairman to resign from his position).

As a consequence, a second chance for us arose to turn matters around.

Plans were developed and were discussed with the provost

to split the department and establish a separate economics department in the College of Liberal Arts.

This time Murray became involved.

But the initial momentum to our advantage had been lost in the meantime,

and after the first signs of resistance,

Murray quickly resigned and gave up.

He was not willing to take off his gloves, and our secessionist project soon fizzled out in defeat.

Only to quickly finish our UNLV saga: After Murray's death in 1995,

I continued working at UNLV for another decade

in an increasingly hostile environment.

The once protective university administration had changed,

and I felt ever more unappreciated and out of place.

Even my great popularity among students was used against me,

as proof of the great "danger" emanating from my teaching.

In 2004, I became embroiled in a scandal.

In a lecture I had hypothetically suggested that homosexuals, on average,

and owing to their characteristic lack of children,

had a comparatively higher degree of time-preference, i.e., of present-orientation.

A cry-baby student complained,

and the university's affirmative action commissar immediately,

as if he had only waited for this opportunity, initiated official proceedings against me,

threatening severe punitive measures if I were not to instantly and publicly recant and apologize.

"Intransigent" as I was, I refused to do so.

And I am certain that it was only this steadfast refusal of mine to beg for forgiveness that,

after a full year of administrative harassment,

I ultimately emerged victorious from this battle with the sought police

and the university administration suffered an embarrassing defeat.

A year later I resigned from my position and left UNLV and the US for good.

Coming back to Murray:

Naturally, I was disappointed about the developments at UNLV.

But they did not have the slightest effect on our continued cooperation.

Maybe Murray had been right and more realistic all along and it was I, who had suffered from too much youthful optimism?

Who knows?

And in any case, there was one more important lesson about the larger scheme of things that I still had to learn.

Whereas most people tend to become milder and more 'tolerant'

in their views as they grow older, Murray grew increasingly more radical and less tolerant over time.

Not in his personal dealings, as I already emphasized.

In this regard Murray was and remained to the end a 'softie,' but in his speeches and writings.

This radicalization and increasing 'intransigence' came in response

to developments in the world of US-politics at large

in the limited government free market industry and among the so called

libertarians assembled around Washington D.C.'s Beltway.

There, everywhere, a slow yet systematic drift toward the Left and leftist ideas could be observed.

A drift that ever since, up to this day, has only further gained in momentum and grown in strength.

Constantly, new "rights" were 'discovered' and adopted in particular also by so-called libertarians.

"Human rights" and "civil rights," "women rights" and "gay rights,"

the "right" not to be discriminated against, the "right" to free and unrestricted immigration,

the "right" to a free lunch and free health care, and the "right" to be free of unpleasant speech and thought.

Murray demolished all this allegedly "humanitarian" or, to use a German term, this "Gutmenschen" talk

as intellectual rubbish in demonstrating that none of these supposed "rights"

were compatible with private property rights.

And that, as libertarians above all people should know, only private property rights, i.e.,

the right of every person in the ownership of his physical body

and the ownership of all external objects justly (peacefully) acquired by him,

can be argumentatively defended as universal and com-possible human rights.

Everything except private property rights, then, Murray demonstrated again and again,

are phony, non-universalizable rights.

Every call for "human rights" other than private property rights

is ultimately motivated by egalitarianism and as such represents

a revolt against nature.

Moreover, Murray moved still further to the right — in accordance with Erik von Kuehneldt-Leddihn's dictum

that "the right is right" and the left is wrong.

— in pointing out that in order to establish, maintain and defend a libertarian social order

more is needed than the mere adherence to the non-aggression principle.

The ideal of the left- or "modal"-libertarians, as Murray referred to them,

of "live and let live as long as you don't aggress against anyone else,"

that sounds so appealing to adolescents in rebellion against parental authority and any social convention and control,

may be sufficient for people living far apart

and dealing and trading with each other only indirectly and from afar.

But it is decidedly insufficient when it comes to people living in close proximity

to each other, as neighbors and cohabitants of the same community.

The peaceful cohabitation of neighbors and of people in regular direct contact with each other on some territory

requires also a commonality of culture: of language, religion, custom and convention.

There can be peaceful co-existence of different cultures on distant, physically separated territories,

but multi-culturalism,

cultural heterogeneity, cannot exist in one and the same place and territory

without leading to diminishing social trust,

increased conflict, and ultimately the destruction of anything resembling a libertarian social order.

If Murray had been ignored, neglected or resented before by the usual suspects,

now, with this stand against everything deemed "politically correct,"

he was vilified and met with undisguised hatred.

The by now only all-too-familiar litany of denunciatory terms followed:

Murray was a reactionary, a racist, a sexist, an authoritarian,

an elitist, a xenophobe, a fascist and, to top it all off, a self-hating Jewish Nazi.

Murray shrugged it all off. Indeed, he laughed about it.

And indeed, to the consternation of the "smear bund,"

as Murray referred to the united popular front of his "anti-fascist" detractors,

his influence only grew and has continued to grow still further since his death.

It may not be widely recognized, but without Murray there would be no Ron Paul as we know him

— and I say this without wishing thereby to diminish or belittle Ron Paul's own, personal role

and extraordinary achievements in the slightest —,

there would be no Ron Paul movement, and there would be no popular or,

as the "smear bund" prefers to say, no "populist" libertarian agenda.

As for me, my own views radicalized, too, along with Murray's.

My Democracy: The God That Failed was the first major documentation of this intellectual development,

and if anything, my radical intolerance regarding anything left-libertarian

and "politically correct" has been growing still ever since.

Almost needless to say that I, too, then have been awarded the same and even a few extra honorary titles by the "smear bund" as Murray

(except for the self-hating Jewish stuff).

Yet I had learned to shrug all of it off, too,

as I had seen Murray do it,

and as Ralph Raico had always encouraged and continued to advise me.

In addition, remembering a popular German saying helped me: "viel Feind, viel Ehr'."

"Many enemy, much honor."

And indeed, the ongoing success of my annual Property and Freedom Society which is now in its 12th year,

held and conducted in a genuinely Rothbardian spirit,

has demonstrated the utter failure of all defamation campaigns directed at me.

If anything, they have helped rather than hindered me

in attracting an ever larger circle of intellectual friends, affiliates and supporters.

I should add that during the last decade or so, under the wise and strict guidance of my lovely wife Gülçin,

I have also made some strides in combining uncompromising intellectual radicalism

with certain degree of personal lovability,

even though I must admit that nature and natural dispositions have prevented me

from coming anywhere close to Murray in this regard.

I have said far too little here about Lew, and I apologize.

But this I must say: Apart from Murray Lew has played a tremendously important role

helping me become the man that I am today.

And to Murray, who I am sure is watching us today from up high, I say:

thank you Murray, you are my hero,

"I shall not look upon his like again,"

and I hope you are happy with your student.

I always felt tremendous joy when you told me "great Hans, Attaboy,"

and even if I can't hear you right now, nothing would give me greater pleasure

than if you said it again right now up there, where the kings of thought are gathered.

Thank you very much.

For more infomation >> Madurando con Murray | Hans-Hermann Hoppe - Duration: 57:19.

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মুক্তি পেতে যাচ্ছে গোলমাল এগেইন || উম্মোচন হতে যাচ্ছে গোলমাল এগেইন এর রহস্য || অজয় দেবগান - Duration: 7:51.

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It's Official! Trump Just Made History In BIG Announcement Made 10 Months Into His Presidency – Cong - Duration: 6:11.

It's Official! Trump Just Made History In BIG Announcement Made 10 Months Into His Presidency

– Congrats In Order.

Once again President Donald Trump makes history!

"Make America Great Again!" was not just a slogan!

Although our economy was supposed to grow at best at a 2.5% rate, and even though we

have had two devastating hurricanes, the economy went on to grow a whole 3% during the third

quarter of the fiscal year.

The Trump Administration also went on to add 1,405,000 jobs in their first eight months

of Trump presidency.

By contrast, Former President Barack Hussein Obama had lost 4,367,000 jobs in his first

eight months in office.

Not even CNBC could lie about this news:

First reading on third-quarter GDP up 3.0%, vs 2.5% rise expected.

The U.S. economy unexpectedly maintained a brisk pace of growth in the third quarter

as an increase in inventory investment, and a smaller trade deficit offset a hurricane-related

slowdown in consumer spending and a decline in construction.

Gross domestic product increased at a 3.0 percent annual rate in the July-September

period after expanding at a 3.1 percent pace in the second quarter, the Commerce Department

said on Friday.

The department said while it was impossible to estimate the overall impact of hurricanes

Harvey and Irma on third-quarter GDP, preliminary estimates showed that the back-to-back storms

had caused losses of $121.0 billion in privately owned fixed assets, and $10.4 billion in government-owned

fixed assets.

Harvey and Irma struck parts of Texas and Florida in late August and early September.

Hurricane Maria, which destroyed infrastructure in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands, had

no impact on third-quarter GDP growth as the islands are not included in the United State's

national accounts.

Economists polled by Reuters had forecast the economy growing at a 2.5 percent pace

in the third quarter.

Excluding inventory investment, the economy grew at a 2.3 percent rate, slowing from the

second quarter's 2.9 percent pace.

With post-hurricane labor market, retail sales and industrial production data already showing

an acceleration in underlying economic activity, Friday's report will probably have no impact

on monetary policy in the near term.

Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen cautioned last month that economic growth in the third

quarter "will be held down" by the severe disruptions caused by the hurricanes.

The U.S. central bank is expected to increase interest rates for a third time this year

in December.

The economic recovery since the 2007-2009 recession is now in its eighth year and showing

little signs of fatigue.

The economy is being powered by a tightening labor market, which has largely maintained

a strong performance that started during former President Barack Obama's first term.

Though U.S. stocks have risen in anticipation of President Donald Trump's tax reform,

the administration has yet to enact any significant new economic policies.

Trump wants big tax cuts and fewer regulations to boost annual GDP growth to 3 percent.

Inventory boost.

Businesses accumulated inventories at a $35.8 billion pace in the third quarter in anticipation

of strong demand.

As a result, inventory investment contributed 0.73 percentage point to third-quarter GDP

growth, after adding just over a tenth of a percentage point to growth in the prior

period.

Exports increased at a 2.3 percent rate in the third quarter, while imports fell at a

0.8 percent pace.

That left a smaller trade deficit, leading to trade adding 0.41 percentage point to GDP

growth.

Trade has contributed to output for three quarters in a row.

Hurricanes Harvey and Irma, which hurt incomes and undercut retail sales in August, crimped

consumer spending in the third quarter.

Growth in consumer spending, which accounts for more than two-thirds of the U.S. economy,

slowed to a 2.4 percent rate following a robust 3.3 percent pace in the second quarter.

The storms also weighed on investment in nonresidential structures like oil and gas wells.

Spending on mining exploration, wells and shafts grew at a 21.7 percent rate, decelerating

from the second-quarter's 116.3 percent pace.

As result, spending on residential structures fell at a 5.2 percent pace in the third quarter

after rising at a 7.0 percent rate in the second quarter.

Investment in home building, which was already undermined by land and labor shortages, also

took a hit from Harvey and Irma.

Spending on residential construction declined at a 6.0 percent rate, contracting for a second

straight quarter.

Business investment on equipment rose at an 8.6 percent rate, increasing for a fourth

straight quarter.

Government investment fell for a third straight quarter.

President Trump has delivered on every promise he has made.

The economy is back.

Illegals crossing our border is down by 74%.

The wall is being built.

Regulations are being destroyed.

All this without the help of the GOP or the Democrats, who are there to just stand in

his way every step of the way and put out lies about him and his administration.

Never did I dream that after 8 long dark years under the charlatan President Barack Hussein

Obama that we could be on track in less than a year.

We are now headed back to the America we were during the Reagan years.

The days when if you worked hard you could get ahead in life without help from the government

nor without the government impeding your progress.

It's Morning Again in America!

President Trump might very well go down as the best president in history.

And all it took was shunning interests on both sides of the aisle and doing what's

right for the American people.

Imagine after so many years of so many presidents doing what's right for every third world

two-bit cesspool, we have a president who actually cares Americans FIRST!

What do you think about this?

Please Share this news and Scroll down to comment below and don't forget to subscribe

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